Capitol Investments: The Marketability of Political Skills by Glenn R. Parker

By Glenn R. Parker

What might you do if, the very day you have been employed, you knew you'll be unemployed in as low as years? you'll search possibilities on your present task to improve a portfolio of abilities and contacts to be able to make your self extra appealing to destiny employers. Representatives and senators take into consideration their jobs in Congress during this method, in accordance with Glenn R. Parker.While in workplace, individuals of Congress plan no longer in simple terms for the following election yet for the following level in their careers. by means of networking, serving on committees, and championing specific laws, they intentionally acquire human capital---expertise, networks, and reputation---which later will provide them bargaining energy within the activity marketplace. Parker's learn of the postelective careers of greater than 2 hundred former contributors of Congress, either U.S. representatives and senators, who've left workplace over the last part century exhibits that such strategic making plans typically succeeds. generally, the human capital those politicians collected whereas in workplace elevated their occupational mobility and incomes power.Capitol Investments bargains a cosmopolitan but available research of the purchase and marketability of political abilities. It means that an know-how of the exchange in human capital shapes an officeholder's activities up to the will to win one other election.Glenn R. Parker is unique Professor within the division of Political technological know-how at Purdue collage.

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Additional resources for Capitol Investments: The Marketability of Political Skills (Economics, Cognition, and Society)

Sample text

Next, our study goes beyond normal treatments of politicians’ ability to sell their votes or to extract bene‹ts from groups doing business with government, as the rent-seeking literature implies (see, for example, Parker 1996). We do not contest, however, the arguments that special interests in›uence politics in such ways. Nonetheless, we believe that the in›uence of special interests seeps into the political process in additional, perhaps more subtle, ways. Beyond the occupation of lobbyist, the market for legislators’ services is rather narrow.

Our model accounts for such activity, but we view these exchanges in a different light, emphasizing the educational nature of these transactions. The assumption that all activities in Congress entail on-the-job training means that even doing favors for special interests results in the acquisition of skills or, at the very least, practicing them, perhaps to perfection. Institutions couple training with production, and exchanges of favors are, for better or for worse, part of the business of Congress.

We have assumed that these “facts” will never be false, but they need not tell the whole truth. And they probably will not, because persuaders are, by de‹nition, propagandists in the original sense of the word—they present correct information organized so as to lead to a speci‹c conclusion. In sum, there is good reason to suspect that the information reaching legislators from interest group representatives, while factual, is nonetheless one-sided. ” Why should we expect such cooperation among special interests?

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