By Maia Duguine, Susana Huidobro, Nerea Madariaga
The subject of this assortment is argument constitution. The fourteen chapters during this e-book are divided into 4 components: Semantic and Syntactic houses of occasion constitution; A Cartographic View on Argument constitution; Syntactic Heads concerned about Argument constitution; and Argument constitution in Language Acquisition. Rigorous theoretical analyses are mixed with empirical paintings on particular facets of argument constitution. The e-book brings jointly authors operating in several linguistic fields (semantics, syntax, and language acquisition), who discover new findings in addition to extra verified information, yet then from new theoretical views. The contributions suggest cartographic perspectives of argument constitution, instead of minimalistic proposals of a binary template version for argument constitution, with the intention to optimally account for varied syntactic and semantic proof, in addition to info derived from wider cross-linguistic views.
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Extra resources for Argument Structure and Syntactic Relations: A cross-linguistic perspective
In two hours I made Masha wash dishes/the dishes. As clearly seen, the time-span adverbials can modify both the causing and the caused subevent. For example, in (23) two readings are possible. The first reading is the situation of a speaker causing Masha to wash all the dishes, specifying that she has only two hours to do the job. The second reading is the situation of a speaker causing Masha to wash dishes and it is claimed that it took two hours to persuade her. Following the v-analysis of the causative, we also adopt an event-based analysis of its semantics in the spirit of Pylkkänen 2002.
7 Therefore, AP-accomplishments do not only differ from AS-accomplishments as to the properties of the anticausative: independently, they differ as to whether they can be associated with the partial success interpretation in the transitive configuration, as represented in Table 1. Data in Table 1 suggest clearly that there is an implicational relation between the eventuality type of the anticausative (hence the membership of a verb in AS- or AP-classes) and the range of interpretations of a corresponding transitive clause: the anticausative preserves atelicity iff the transitive clause allows for the partial success reading, otherwise it suppresses atelicity.
The partial success and failed attempt interpretations then differ in whether the process in the Theme occurs in the actual world. In this way, different types of non-culmination can be viewed as related to different subevental components. One type, the failed attempt, is, in a sense, an activity-related non-culmination: Agent’s activity occurs in the actual world, but the rest of the complex eventuality does not. Another type, the partial success, is process-related: the process in the Theme induced by the Agent’s activity does exist in the actual world, but the culmination of this process as well as the result state immediately following the culmination do not.