By A. Adu Boahen
This background offers with the twenty-year interval among 1880 and 1900, whilst nearly all of Africa used to be seized and occupied through the Imperial Powers of Europe. Eurocentric issues of view have ruled the research of this period, yet during this publication, considered one of Africa’s top historians reinterprets the colonial stories from the point of view of the colonized.
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As Macridis and Brown21 points out, consensus is never universal in complex societies; rather the very openness of communications in democratic regimes permits dissident elements ample opportunity to clash with each other, and with the government. For the new state, the urge to democratize must also be seen in light of the domestic capacity to exercise social control amid the evolving pattern of political engagement. 22 We can also explore the nature and capability of a state in terms of the extent and scope of its involvement in society’s affairs.
37. Robert D. : Princeton University Press, 1993). 38. Robert D. Putnam, “Turning In, Turning Out: The Strange Disappearance of Social Capital in America,” Political Science & Politics 28 (1995): 664–83. 39. Robert D. Putnam, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy, 1993. 40. : The World Bank’s Social Capital Initiative), November 1998. 41. Kate Meagher, “Social Capital, Social Liabilities, and Political Capital: Social Networks and Informal Manufacturing in Nigeria,” African Affairs 105, no.
11. Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 32. 12. Giovanni Sartori, “Concept Misformation in Comparative Politics,” pp. 24–49 in Roy C. Macridis and Bernard Brown, Comparative Politics: Notes and Readings, ed. Roy C. : The Dorsey Press, 1977). 13. : Cornell University Press, 2004), 5. 14. Fukuyama, State-Building, 16. 15. Yossi Shain and Juan J. Linz, Between States: Interim Governments and Democratic Transitions (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 48.