A Practical Grammar for Classical Hebrew by J. Weingreen

By J. Weingreen

A pragmatic Grammar for Classical Hebrew

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The future now develops in further stages, first with the deletion of the modal event time parallel to the epistemic shift, cf. e. with the deletion of the modal event, WANT loses is status as a theta-role assigner. A verb with no argument structure cannot encode an event situation. e. RM. However, it is still an epistemic modal base connected to necessity. e. 39 The time of evaluation of a realistic epistemic base is always the speech situation, as in every assertion (cf. Kaufmann et al. 2005:101)40.

37d) and (37e)); the impossibility of pronominalisation (cf. (37f)) shows that with epistemic as well as with evidential constructions we might have a reduced, but still complex syntactic structure, and that the embedded infinitive is not a constituent of its own (different from complements of illocutionary verbs, cf. Remberger forthcoming). e. the speaker’s (incomplete) knowledge (and thus uncertainty). The only modal base directly anchored to the speaker in an evidential WANT-construction is a realistic modal base.

However, the development from modal WANT to a future marker is not an automatic process in the sense of polyfunctionality, as shown by the deontic vs. epistemic interpretation of modals in general. The development to a future auxiliary is a grammaticalisation process (cf. also Fleischman 1982 for Romance, Pappas/Joseph 2002 and Roberts/Roussou 2002 for Greek, Palmer 1990 for English will, among many others). Diachronically it is sometimes difficult to establish when WANT has reached the status of a future modal.

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