A descriptive grammar of Huastec (Potosino dialect) by Barbara Wedemeyer Edmonson

By Barbara Wedemeyer Edmonson

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Example text

Under the PIC, elements on the edge zone are in principle free to move to the next strong phase. g. Chomsky 2008 for the claim that locality factors render edges opaque so that sub-extraction out of subjects becomes costly). Under CL, on the other hand, all the elements in a Spell-out domain including Spec, head, and complement are linearized in the same cycle. This implies that if multiple items are merged on the edge, all the units at the edge must preserve their relative orderings, as established upon their first Spell-out.

When combined with previous claims on phasehood, this claim amounts to saying that only v* and C can be a probe for agreement and carry an EPP-feature that triggers movement. Chomsky argues that even T, a prototypical EPP-carrier, is not the locus of φ-features and EPP, and that T inherits such properties from the phase head C. The statements in (13) summarize the hypotheses on phases advanced by Chomsky in his series of works (Chomsky 2000; 2001; 2004; 2008). (13) The characteristics of phases a.

I also show that a Sentential Predicate cannot precede its (Major) Subject for the same reason. Based on this argument, I also explain why the (im)possibility of predicate fronting out of a complement domain is correlated with a selectional property of the main verb. With this much theoretical background, let us now move on to our main chapters on how cyclic syntax affects (re)ordering at syntactic edges in languages. 2 Edges of primary predication In this chapter, I investigate the consequences of Cyclic Linearization (CL) for syntactic edges in primary predicational domains, with special attention to subject scrambling and floating quantification.

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