A Derivational Syntax for Information Structure (Studies in by Luis López

By Luis López

During this quantity, Luis L?pez sheds new mild on info constitution and makes an important contribution to paintings on grammatical operations within the Minimalist application. via a cautious research of dislocations and concentration fronting in Romance, the writer indicates that notions equivalent to 'topic' and 'focus', as frequently outlined, yield no predictions and proposes in its place a characteristic method in keeping with the notions 'discourse anaphor' and 'contrast'. He offers a close version of syntax---information-structure interplay and argues that this interplay happens on the part point, with a privileged position for the sting of the section. additional, he investigates phenomena about the syntax of items in Romance and Germanic - accusative A, p-movement, clitic doubling, scrambling, item shift - and exhibits that there are cross-linguistic correlations among syntactic configuration and specificity, autonomous of discourse connectedness. the amount ends with a longer research of the syntax of dislocations in Romance.

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As we have seen, a constituent marked as [+Focus] may stay in situ or it may move—but whatever makes it move is not the focus feature, since focus can contentedly stay in situ. I suggest that movement to left periphery position, either by FF or wh-phrases, is connected with [+c]. 34) Context: Did you buy furniture? Doncs, de cadires no en vaig comprar . . ’ [It] This moved quantiWer is arguably also [+c]. A sentence like (i) is most naturally uttered in the context in which someone asserts that we will Wnd no one.

G. one can have two CLLDed constituents but not two FFed ones) should be understood as restrictions imposed by the interpretive interfaces and not derived by X’-theory assumptions. Finally, I show that Rizzi’s framework provides no insight into relatively ‘‘impoverished’’ left peripheries like that of Finnish. Chapter 4 provides empirical substance to the analyses presented in Chapter 3. In particular, I argue that a detailed analysis of sub-extraction phenomena yields the consequence that the pragmatic features [+a] and [+c] are indeed assigned at the end of each phase.

45) Context: So, what do we do with the chairs? ’’ Information structure 43 Generic CLRDed must remain on the back burner until Chapter 4. There, I provide a solution dependent on a derivational view of the syntax– information structure interface. 43a) the anaphoric relation is established before the dislocated constituent is bound by a generic operator. The relationship between CLLD and its antecedent is more complex and falls into one of the following categories: subset, superset, set-membership, and part/whole (Villalba 2000).

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